By Sugata Bose
In addition to being an excellent contribution to Indian financial and social background, this ebook attracts vital conclusions approximately peasant politics mostly and concerning the results of overseas monetary fluctuations on fundamental generating international locations. Dr Bose develops a common typology of structures of agrarian creation in Bengal to teach how those replied to kinds of strain from the area economic climate, and treats intimately the results of the area melancholy on Bengal. Separate chapters are dedicated to the topics of agrarian clash and spiritual strife in east Bengal, the agrarian measurement of mass nationalism in west Bengal and sharecroppers agitations within the frontier areas. the realization makes an attempt a synthesis of the typology of agrarian social constitution and the periodisation of peasant politics, putting this within the wider context of agrarian societies and protest in different elements of India and in South-east Asia.
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Additional resources for Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947
132-3. , Pater Kabita (Juriya, Assam, 1930). 24 Radhakamal Mukherji, Changing Face of Bengal, p. 275. The demographic background 51 terms, although the eastern districts still held an edge. 25 As the pressure of population intensified after 1920, holdings subdivided and shrank in size. In the fertile regions of east Bengal, the number of uneconomic holdings multiplied as a function of demographic growth in the interwar period. The process is more obscure in the infertile tracts of west Bengal: here a considerable fraction of the land in most holdings continued to lie fallow, but this may have been because the decline in the fertility of the soil made frequent fallowing necessary, and a large part was not, therefore, available for cultivation by an expanding population.
2 are taken from settlement reports of some west Bengal districts. The reports on Birbhum, Murshidabad, Howrah and Hooghly provide the additional and more significant information about the proportion of the total area covered by different acreage classes of holdings. Howrah and Hooghly appear to show a predominance of small tenancies, while in Birbhum and Murshidabad, rather larger holdings of over 15 acres are of some importance. More revealing than statistics built around imperfect legal categories are the insights into the relations between real social categories.
A considerable number of patnidars sublet part of their interests to darpatnidars, and a few repeated the process with sepatnidars. These interests were mostly in the hands of the upper-caste gentry but it was not unusual for a few members of the agricultural and intermediate trading castes to make their way into these ranks. Apart from the so-called raiyati land, held and operated by the peasantry, it was a long-established practice of the landed gentry to keep a proportion of khamar land in their personal possession and cultivate it through sharecroppers or hired labourers.