By B.A. Lustig, B.A. Brody, Gerald P. McKenny
The advent situates particular non secular and coverage discussions of 4 wide components of biotechnology in the context of the wider dialog on recommendations of nature set forth in quantity One. Our introductory evaluate experiences key points of contemporary non secular and moral discussions of 4 components: biotechnology and assisted copy, biotechnology and genetic enhancement, biotechnology and human-machine incorporation, and biotechnology and biodiversity. It additionally attracts hyperlinks among these a number of discussions in gentle of a few theological subject matters and casuistical emphases. The advent additionally studies the 4 coverage chapters, each one associated with the conceptual bankruptcy written at the related zone of biotechnology, and indicates the ways in which coverage offerings in those components might be illumined via extra targeted cognizance on spiritual views.
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Additional resources for Altering Nature: Volume II: Religion, Biotechnology, and Public Policy (Philosophy and Medicine, 98)
There is development but rarely a sharp discontinuity. This is the second point at which Marilyn Strathern’s analysis is helpful to our argument. Strathern has described how this process of naturalization functions with regard to the category of kin relations, a process that is essential to any analysis of ARTs. She argues that views of “natural” kin relations are not static. The “traditional” Euro-American natural family (in which “real” kin relations are biogenetic) is actually a relatively recent, post-Darwinian social construction that prides itself on its basis in modern, scientific fact.
Political pressures also temper Buddhist traditions. ”, 2001, 28–29); for example, the one-child policy increases parents’ desires for a single, healthy, male child, creating a market for methods that increase parents’ chances of this outcome. In the face of this complexity, we might best envision a spectrum of positions, one end of which is held down by Orthodox Judaism, Indian Hinduism, and Middle Eastern Islam, in which marriage and procreation of genetically related children is nearly universal and practically mandatory (for related but not identical reasons), and the other end of which is held down by the less syncretistic strands of the Buddhist tradition, which recommends that childbearing occur within marriage but is not particularly eager to promote either marriage or procreation for its most serious practitioners.
As a result the distinction between surrogacy as a commercial, consumer transaction and adoption as an act of benevolence toward the child is eroding. See Lauritzen (1993, 119–134). Maura Ryan adds that unhappily infertile couples may make poor adoptive parents and that suggesting adoption as the “cure” for infertility not only shifts the burden for the care of needy children to the involuntarily childless but distracts our attention from the social and economic problems that cause parents to give their children up for adoption (Ryan, 2001, 56–60).